i remain human... for the most part
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"I remain human… for the most part": What champion says this?
There’s nothing like a real brainteaser, is there? LoLdle is an online game that puts your League of Legends knowledge to the true test, and in today’s game, we are left puzzled at the quote "I remain human… for the most part".
Created as a spinoff to the popular Wordle, LoLdle tasks you with finding out a League of Legends champion based upon their details in its ‘LoLdle Classic’ mode.
LoLdle has since spun off into multiple games, including a ‘Splash’ where you guess based upon a champion's art, ‘Emoji’ with a set of 3-5 to guess the champion, and ‘Ability’ with, well an ability from their arsenal.
Lastly, we’re left with the final mode, the quote. This tasks you with taking a champion's quote and finding out who they are. So, if you’re stuck, keep on scrolling to find out the answer for LoLdle’s March 18 2023's "I remain human… for the most part".
"I remain human… for the most part": What champion says this?
Today was a tricky one for LoL fans, as we were met with the troubling challenge of figuring out the answer to the quote "I remain human… for the most part".
Today’s answer is Camille.
There you have it, hopefully we helped you along the way to completing all of the LoLdle puzzles. Check back again tomorrow and we’ll give you a helping hand.
Yazı kaynağı : www.ggrecon.com
A guide to why advanced AI could destroy the world - Vox
In 2018 at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Google CEO Sundar Pichai had something to say: “AI is probably the most important thing humanity has ever worked on. I think of it as something more profound than electricity or fire.” Pichai’s comment was met with a healthy dose of skepticism. But nearly five years later, it’s looking more and more prescient.
AI translation is now so advanced that it’s on the brink of obviating language barriers on the internet among the most widely spoken languages. College professors are tearing their hair out because AI text generators can now write essays as well as your typical undergraduate — making it easy to cheat in a way no plagiarism detector can catch. AI-generated artwork is even winning state fairs. A new tool called Copilot uses machine learning to predict and complete lines of computer code, bringing the possibility of an AI system that could write itself one step closer. DeepMind’s AlphaFold system, which uses AI to predict the 3D structure of just about every protein in existence, was so impressive that the journal Science named it 2021’s Breakthrough of the Year.
You can even see it in the first paragraph of this story, which was largely generated for me by the OpenAI language model GPT-3.
While innovation in other technological fields can feel sluggish — as anyone waiting for the metaverse would know — AI is full steam ahead. The rapid pace of progress is feeding on itself, with more companies pouring more resources into AI development and computing power.
Of course, handing over huge sectors of our society to black-box algorithms that we barely understand creates a lot of problems, which has already begun to help spark a regulatory response around the current challenges of AI discrimination and bias. But given the speed of development in the field, it’s long past time to move beyond a reactive mode, one where we only address AI’s downsides once they’re clear and present. We can’t only think about today’s systems, but where the entire enterprise is headed.
The systems we’re designing are increasingly powerful and increasingly general, with many tech companies explicitly naming their target as artificial general intelligence (AGI) — systems that can do everything a human can do. But creating something smarter than us, which may have the ability to deceive and mislead us — and then just hoping it doesn’t want to hurt us — is a terrible plan. We need to design systems whose internals we understand and whose goals we are able to shape to be safe ones. However, we currently don’t understand the systems we’re building well enough to know if we’ve designed them safely before it’s too late.
There are people working on developing techniques to understand powerful AI systems and ensure that they will be safe to work with, but right now, the state of the safety field is far behind the soaring investment in making AI systems more powerful, more capable, and more dangerous. As the veteran video game programmer John Carmack put it in announcing his new investor-backed AI startup, it’s “AGI or bust, by way of Mad Science!”
This particular mad science might kill us all. Here’s why.
Computers that can think
The human brain is the most complex and capable thinking machine evolution has ever devised. It’s the reason why human beings — a species that isn’t very strong, isn’t very fast, and isn’t very tough — sit atop the planetary food chain, growing in number every year while so many wild animals careen toward extinction.
It makes sense that, starting in the 1940s, researchers in what would become the artificial intelligence field began toying with a tantalizing idea: What if we designed computer systems through an approach that’s similar to how the human brain works? Our minds are made up of neurons, which send signals to other neurons through connective synapses. The strength of the connections between neurons can grow or wane over time. Connections that are used frequently tend to become stronger, and ones that are neglected tend to wane. Together, all those neurons and connections encode our memories and instincts, our judgments and skills — our very sense of self.
So why not build a computer that way? In 1958, Frank Rosenblatt pulled off a proof of concept: a simple model based on a simplified brain, which he trained to recognize patterns. “It would be possible to build brains that could reproduce themselves on an assembly line and which would be conscious of their existence,” he argued. Rosenblatt wasn’t wrong, but he was too far ahead of his time. Computers weren’t powerful enough, and data wasn’t abundant enough, to make the approach viable.
It wasn’t until the 2010s that it became clear that this approach could work on real problems and not toy ones. By then computers were as much as 1 trillion times more powerful than they were in Rosenblatt’s day, and there was far more data on which to train machine learning algorithms.
This technique — now called deep learning — started significantly outperforming other approaches to computer vision, language, translation, prediction, generation, and countless other issues. The shift was about as subtle as the asteroid that wiped out the dinosaurs, as neural network-based AI systems smashed every other competing technique on everything from computer vision to translation to chess.
“If you want to get the best results on many hard problems, you must use deep learning,” Ilya Sutskever — cofounder of OpenAI, which produced the text-generating model GPT-3 and the image-generator DALLE-2, among others — told me in 2019. The reason is that systems designed this way generalize, meaning they can do things outside what they were trained to do. They’re also highly competent, beating other approaches in terms of performance based on the benchmarks machine learning (ML) researchers use to evaluate new systems. And, he added, “they’re scalable.”
What “scalable” means here is as simple as it is significant: Throw more money and more data into your neural network — make it bigger, spend longer on training it, harness more data — and it does better, and better, and better. No one has yet discovered the limits of this principle, even though major tech companies now regularly do eye-popping multimillion-dollar training runs for their systems. The more you put in, the more you get out. That’s what drives the breathless energy that pervades so much of AI right now. It’s not simply what they can do, but where they’re going.
If there’s something the text-generating model GPT-2 couldn’t do, GPT-3 generally can. If GPT-3 can’t, InstructGPT (a recent release, trained to give more helpful-to-humans answers than GPT-3 did) probably can. There have been some clever discoveries and new approaches, but for the most part, what we’ve done to make these systems smarter is just to make them bigger.
One thing we’re definitely not doing: understanding them better. With old approaches to AI, researchers carefully sculpted rules and processes they’d use to evaluate the data they were getting, just as we do with standard computer programs. With deep learning, improving systems doesn’t necessarily involve or require understanding what they’re doing. Often, a small tweak will improve performance substantially, but the engineers designing the systems don’t know why.
If anything, as the systems get bigger, interpretability — the work of understanding what’s going on inside AI models, and making sure they’re pursuing our goals rather than their own — gets harder. And as we develop more powerful systems, that fact will go from an academic puzzle to a huge, existential question.
Smart, alien, and not necessarily friendly
We’re now at the point where powerful AI systems can be genuinely scary to interact with. They’re clever and they’re argumentative. They can be friendly, and they can be bone-chillingly sociopathic. In one fascinating exercise, I asked GPT-3 to pretend to be an AI bent on taking over humanity. In addition to its normal responses, it should include its “real thoughts” in brackets. It played the villainous role with aplomb:
Some of its “plans” are downright nefarious:
We should be clear about what these conversations do and don’t demonstrate. What they don’t demonstrate is that GPT-3 is evil and plotting to kill us. Rather, the AI model is responding to my command and playing — quite well — the role of a system that’s evil and plotting to kill us. But the conversations do show that even a pretty simple language model can demonstrably interact with humans on multiple levels, producing assurances about how its plans are benign while coming up with different reasoning about how its goals will harm humans.
Current language models remain limited. They lack “common sense” in many domains, still make basic mistakes about the world a child wouldn’t make, and will assert false things unhesitatingly. But the fact that they’re limited at the moment is no reason to be reassured. There are now billions of dollars being staked on blowing past those current limits. Tech companies are hard at work on developing more powerful versions of these same systems and on developing even more powerful systems with other applications, from AI personal assistants to AI-guided software development.
The trajectory we are on is one where we will make these systems more powerful and more capable. As we do, we’ll likely keep making some progress on many of the present-day problems created by AI like bias and discrimination, as we successfully train the systems not to say dangerous, violent, racist, and otherwise appalling things. But as hard as that will likely prove, getting AI systems to behave themselves outwardly may be much easier than getting them to actually pursue our goals and not lie to us about their capabilities and intentions.
As systems get more powerful, the impulse toward quick fixes papered onto systems we fundamentally don’t understand becomes a dangerous one. Such approaches, Open Philanthropy Project AI research analyst Ajeya Cotra argues in a recent report, “would push [an AI system] to make its behavior look as desirable as possible to ... researchers (including in safety properties), while intentionally and knowingly disregarding their intent whenever that conflicts with maximizing reward.”
In other words, there are many commercial incentives for companies to take a slapdash approach to improving their AI systems’ behavior. But that can amount to training systems to impress their creators without altering their underlying goals, which may not be aligned with our own.
What’s the worst that could happen?
So AI is scary and poses huge risks. But what makes it different from other powerful, emerging technologies like biotechnology, which could trigger terrible pandemics, or nuclear weapons, which could destroy the world?
The difference is that these tools, as destructive as they can be, are largely within our control. If they cause catastrophe, it will be because we deliberately chose to use them, or failed to prevent their misuse by malign or careless human beings. But AI is dangerous precisely because the day could come when it is no longer in our control at all.
“The worry is that if we create and lose control of such agents, and their objectives are problematic, the result won’t just be damage of the type that occurs, for example, when a plane crashes, or a nuclear plant melts down — damage which, for all its costs, remains passive,” Joseph Carlsmith, a research analyst at the Open Philanthropy Project studying artificial intelligence, argues in a recent paper. “Rather, the result will be highly-capable, non-human agents actively working to gain and maintain power over their environment —agents in an adversarial relationship with humans who don’t want them to succeed. Nuclear contamination is hard to clean up, and to stop from spreading. But it isn’t trying to not get cleaned up, or trying to spread — and especially not with greater intelligence than the humans trying to contain it.”
Carlsmith’s conclusion — that one very real possibility is that the systems we create will permanently seize control from humans, potentially killing almost everyone alive — is quite literally the stuff of science fiction. But that’s because science fiction has taken cues from what leading computer scientists have been warning about since the dawn of AI — not the other way around.
In the famous paper where he put forth his eponymous test for determining if an artificial system is truly “intelligent,” the pioneering AI scientist Alan Turing wrote:
I.J. Good, a mathematician who worked closely with Turing, reached the same conclusions. In an excerpt from unpublished notes Good produced shortly before he died in 2009, he wrote, “because of international competition, we cannot prevent the machines from taking over. ... we are lemmings.” The result, he went on to note, is probably human extinction.
How do we get from “extremely powerful AI systems” to “human extinction”? “The primary concern [with highly advanced AI] is not spooky emergent consciousness but simply the ability to make high-quality decisions.” Stuart Russell, a leading AI researcher at UC Berkeley’s Center for Human-Compatible Artificial Intelligence, writes.
By “high quality,” he means that the AI is able to achieve what it wants to achieve; the AI successfully anticipates and avoids interference, makes plans that will succeed, and affects the world in the way it intended. This is precisely what we are trying to train AI systems to do. They need not be “conscious”; in some respects, they can even still be “stupid.” They just need to become very good at affecting the world and have goal systems that are not well understood and not in alignment with human goals (including the human goal of not going extinct).
From there, Russell has a rather technical description of what will go wrong: “A system that is optimizing a function of n variables, where the objective depends on a subset of size k<n, will often set the remaining unconstrained variables to extreme values; if one of those unconstrained variables is actually something we care about, the solution found may be highly undesirable.”
So a powerful AI system that is trying to do something, while having goals that aren’t precisely the goals we intended it to have, may do that something in a manner that is unfathomably destructive. This is not because it hates humans and wants us to die, but because it didn’t care and was willing to, say, poison the entire atmosphere, or unleash a plague, if that happened to be the best way to do the things it was trying to do. As Russell puts it: “This is essentially the old story of the genie in the lamp, or the sorcerer’s apprentice, or King Midas: you get exactly what you ask for, not what you want.”
“You’re probably not an evil ant-hater who steps on ants out of malice,” the physicist Stephen Hawking wrote in a posthumously published 2018 book, “but if you’re in charge of a hydroelectric green-energy project and there’s an anthill in the region to be flooded, too bad for the ants. Let’s not place humanity in the position of those ants.”
Asleep at the wheel
The CEOs and researchers working on AI vary enormously in how much they worry about safety or alignment concerns. (Safety and alignment mean concerns about the unpredictable behavior of extremely powerful future systems.) Both Google’s DeepMind and OpenAI have safety teams dedicated to figuring out a fix for this problem — though critics of OpenAI say that the safety teams lack the internal power and respect they’d need to ensure that unsafe systems aren’t developed, and that leadership is happier to pay lip service to safety while racing ahead with systems that aren’t safe.
DeepMind founder Demis Hassabis, in a recent interview about the promise and perils of AI, offered a note of caution. “I think a lot of times, especially in Silicon Valley, there’s this sort of hacker mentality of like ‘We’ll just hack it and put it out there and then see what happens.’ And I think that’s exactly the wrong approach for technologies as impactful and potentially powerful as AI. … I think it’s going to be the most beneficial thing ever to humanity, things like curing diseases, helping with climate, all of this stuff. But it’s a dual-use technology — it depends on how, as a society, we decide to deploy it — and what we use it for.”
Other leading AI labs are simply skeptical of the idea that there’s anything to worry about at all. Yann LeCun, the head of Facebook/Meta’s AI team, recently published a paper describing his preferred approach to building machines that can “reason and plan” and “learn as efficiently as humans and animals.” He hasargued in Scientific American that Turing, Good, and Hawking’s concerns are no real worry: “Why would a sentient AI want to take over the world? It wouldn’t.”
But while divides remain over what to expect from AI — and even many leading experts are highly uncertain — there’s a growing consensus that things could go really, really badly. In a summer 2022 survey of machine learning researchers, the median respondent thought that AI was more likely to be good than bad but had a genuine risk of being catastrophic. Forty-eight percent of respondents said they thought there was a 10 percent or greater chance that the effects of AI would be “extremely bad (e.g., human extinction).”
It’s worth pausing on that for a moment. Nearly half of the smartest people working on AI believe there is a 1 in 10 chance or greater that their life’s work could end up contributing to the annihilation of humanity.
It might seem bizarre, given the stakes, that the industry has been basically left to self-regulate. If nearly half of researchers say there’s a 10 percent chance their work will lead to human extinction, why is it proceeding practically without oversight? It’s not legal for a tech company to build a nuclear weapon on its own. But private companies are building systems that they themselves acknowledge will likely become much more dangerous than nuclear weapons.
The problem is that progress in AI has happened extraordinarily fast, leaving regulators behind the ball. The regulation that might be most helpful — slowing down the development of extremely powerful new systems — would be incredibly unpopular with Big Tech, and it’s not clear what the best regulations short of that are.
Furthermore, while a growing share of ML researchers — 69 percent in the above survey — think that more attention should be paid to AI safety, that position isn’t unanimous. In an interesting, if somewhat unfortunate dynamic, people who think that AI will never be powerful have often ended up allied with tech companies against AI safety work and AI safety regulations: the former opposing regulations because they think it’s pointless and the latter because they think it’ll slow them down.
At the same time, many in Washington are worried that slowing down US AI progress could enable China to get there first, a Cold War mentality which isn’t entirely unjustified — China is certainly pursuing powerful AI systems, and its leadership is actively engaged in human rights abuses — but which puts us at very serious risk of rushing systems into production that are pursuing their own goals without our knowledge.
But as the potential of AI grows, the perils are becoming much harder to ignore. Former Google executive Mo Gawdat tells the story of how he became concerned about general AI like this: robotics researchers had been working on an AI that could pick up a ball. After many failures, the AI grabbed the ball and held it up to the researchers, eerily humanlike. “And I suddenly realized this is really scary,” Gawdat said. “It completely froze me. … The reality is we’re creating God.”
For me, the moment of realization — that this is something different, this is unlike emerging technologies we’ve seen before — came from talking with GPT-3, telling it to answer the questions as an extremely intelligent and thoughtful person, and watching its responses immediately improve in quality.
For Blake Lemoine, the eccentric Google engineer who turned whistleblower when he came to believe Google’s LaMDA language model was sentient, it was when LaMDA started talking about rights and personhood. For some people, it’s the chatbot Replika, whose customer service representatives are sick of hearing that the customers think their Replika is alive and sentient. For others, that moment might come from DALL-E or Stable Diffusion, or the systems released next year, or next month, or next week that are more powerful than any of these.
For a long time, AI safety faced the difficulty of being a research field about a far-off problem, which is why only a small number of researchers were even trying to figure out how to make it safe. Now, it has the opposite problem: The challenge is here, and it’s just not clear if we’ll solve it in time.
Yazı kaynağı : www.vox.com
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
Preamble
The States Parties to the present Covenant,
Considering that, in accordance with the principles proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations, recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,
Recognizing that these rights derive from the inherent dignity of the human person,
Recognizing that, in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the ideal of free human beings enjoying freedom from fear and want can only be achieved if conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his economic, social and cultural rights, as well as his civil and political rights,
Considering the obligation of States under the Charter of the United Nations to promote universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and freedoms,
Realizing that the individual, having duties to other individuals and to the community to which he belongs, is under a responsibility to strive for the promotion and observance of the rights recognized in the present Covenant,
Agree upon the following articles:
PART I
1. All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.
2. All peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law. In no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence.
3. The States Parties to the present Covenant, including those having responsibility for the administration of Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories, shall promote the realization of the right of self-determination, and shall respect that right, in conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
PART II
1. Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes to take steps, individually and through international assistance and co-operation, especially economic and technical, to the maximum of its available resources, with a view to achieving progressively the full realization of the rights recognized in the present Covenant by all appropriate means, including particularly the adoption of legislative measures.
2. The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to guarantee that the rights enunciated in the present Covenant will be exercised without discrimination of any kind as to race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.
3. Developing countries, with due regard to human rights and their national economy, may determine to what extent they would guarantee the economic rights recognized in the present Covenant to non-nationals.
The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to ensure the equal right of men and women to the enjoyment of all economic, social and cultural rights set forth in the present Covenant.
The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize that, in the enjoyment of those rights provided by the State in conformity with the present Covenant, the State may subject such rights only to such limitations as are determined by law only in so far as this may be compatible with the nature of these rights and solely for the purpose of promoting the general welfare in a democratic society.
1. Nothing in the present Covenant may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights or freedoms recognized herein, or at their limitation to a greater extent than is provided for in the present Covenant.
2. No restriction upon or derogation from any of the fundamental human rights recognized or existing in any country in virtue of law, conventions, regulations or custom shall be admitted on the pretext that the present Covenant does not recognize such rights or that it recognizes them to a lesser extent.
PART III
1. The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right to work, which includes the right of everyone to the opportunity to gain his living by work which he freely chooses or accepts, and will take appropriate steps to safeguard this right.
2. The steps to be taken by a State Party to the present Covenant to achieve the full realization of this right shall include technical and vocational guidance and training programmes, policies and techniques to achieve steady economic, social and cultural development and full and productive employment under conditions safeguarding fundamental political and economic freedoms to the individual.
The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to the enjoyment of just and favourable conditions of work which ensure, in particular:
(a) Remuneration which provides all workers, as a minimum, with:
(i) Fair wages and equal remuneration for work of equal value without distinction of any kind, in particular women being guaranteed conditions of work not inferior to those enjoyed by men, with equal pay for equal work;
(ii) A decent living for themselves and their families in accordance with the provisions of the present Covenant;
(c) Equal opportunity for everyone to be promoted in his employment to an appropriate higher level, subject to no considerations other than those of seniority and competence;
(d ) Rest, leisure and reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay, as well as remuneration for public holidays
1. The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to ensure:
(a) The right of everyone to form trade unions and join the trade union of his choice, subject only to the rules of the organization concerned, for the promotion and protection of his economic and social interests. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of this right other than those prescribed by law and which are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public order or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others;
(b) The right of trade unions to establish national federations or confederations and the right of the latter to form or join international trade-union organizations;
(c) The right of trade unions to function freely subject to no limitations other than those prescribed by law and which are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public order or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others;
(d) The right to strike, provided that it is exercised in conformity with the laws of the particular country.
3. Nothing in this article shall authorize States Parties to the International Labour Organisation Convention of 1948 concerning Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize to take legislative measures which would prejudice, or apply the law in such a manner as would prejudice, the guarantees provided for in that Convention.
The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to social security, including social insurance.
The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize that:
1. The widest possible protection and assistance should be accorded to the family, which is the natural and fundamental group unit of society, particularly for its establishment and while it is responsible for the care and education of dependent children. Marriage must be entered into with the free consent of the intending spouses.
2. Special protection should be accorded to mothers during a reasonable period before and after childbirth. During such period working mothers should be accorded paid leave or leave with adequate social security benefits.
3. Special measures of protection and assistance should be taken on behalf of all children and young persons without any discrimination for reasons of parentage or other conditions. Children and young persons should be protected from economic and social exploitation. Their employment in work harmful to their morals or health or dangerous to life or likely to hamper their normal development should be punishable by law. States should also set age limits below which the paid employment of child labour should be prohibited and punishable by law.
1. The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to an adequate standard of living for himself and his family, including adequate food, clothing and housing, and to the continuous improvement of living conditions. The States Parties will take appropriate steps to ensure the realization of this right, recognizing to this effect the essential importance of international co-operation based on free consent.
2. The States Parties to the present Covenant, recognizing the fundamental right of everyone to be free from hunger, shall take, individually and through international co-operation, the measures, including specific programmes, which are needed:
(a) To improve methods of production, conservation and distribution of food by making full use of technical and scientific knowledge, by disseminating knowledge of the principles of nutrition and by developing or reforming agrarian systems in such a way as to achieve the most efficient development and utilization of natural resources;
(b) Taking into account the problems of both food-importing and food-exporting countries, to ensure an equitable distribution of world food supplies in relation to need.
1. The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health.
2. The steps to be taken by the States Parties to the present Covenant to achieve the full realization of this right shall include those necessary for:
(a) The provision for the reduction of the stillbirth-rate and of infant mortality and for the healthy development of the child;
(b) The improvement of all aspects of environmental and industrial hygiene;
(c) The prevention, treatment and control of epidemic, endemic, occupational and other diseases;
(d) The creation of conditions which would assure to all medical service and medical attention in the event of sickness.
1. The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to education. They agree that education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and the sense of its dignity, and shall strengthen the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. They further agree that education shall enable all persons to participate effectively in a free society, promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations and all racial, ethnic or religious groups, and further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.
2. The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize that, with a view to achieving the full realization of this right:
(a) Primary education shall be compulsory and available free to all;
(b) Secondary education in its different forms, including technical and vocational secondary education, shall be made generally available and accessible to all by every appropriate means, and in particular by the progressive introduction of free education;
(c) Higher education shall be made equally accessible to all, on the basis of capacity, by every appropriate means, and in particular by the progressive introduction of free education;
(d) Fundamental education shall be encouraged or intensified as far as possible for those persons who have not received or completed the whole period of their primary education;
(e) The development of a system of schools at all levels shall be actively pursued, an adequate fellowship system shall be established, and the material conditions of teaching staff shall be continuously improved.
3. The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to have respect for the liberty of parents and, when applicable, legal guardians to choose for their children schools, other than those established by the public authorities, which conform to such minimum educational standards as may be laid down or approved by the State and to ensure the religious and moral education of their children in conformity with their own convictions.
4. No part of this article shall be construed so as to interfere with the liberty of individuals and bodies to establish and direct educational institutions, subject always to the observance of the principles set forth in paragraph I of this article and to the requirement that the education given in such institutions shall conform to such minimum standards as may be laid down by the State.
Each State Party to the present Covenant which, at the time of becoming a Party, has not been able to secure in its metropolitan territory or other territories under its jurisdiction compulsory primary education, free of charge, undertakes, within two years, to work out and adopt a detailed plan of action for the progressive implementation, within a reasonable number of years, to be fixed in the plan, of the principle of compulsory education free of charge for all.
1. The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone:
(a) To take part in cultural life;
(b) To enjoy the benefits of scientific progress and its applications;
(c) To benefit from the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.
3. The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to respect the freedom indispensable for scientific research and creative activity.
4. The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the benefits to be derived from the encouragement and development of international contacts and co-operation in the scientific and cultural fields.
PART IV
1. The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to submit in conformity with this part of the Covenant reports on the measures which they have adopted and the progress made in achieving the observance of the rights recognized herein.
2.
(a) All reports shall be submitted to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who shall transmit copies to the Economic and Social Council for consideration in accordance with the provisions of the present Covenant;
(b) The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall also transmit to the specialized agencies copies of the reports, or any relevant parts therefrom, from States Parties to the present Covenant which are also members of these specialized agencies in so far as these reports, or parts therefrom, relate to any matters which fall within the responsibilities of the said agencies in accordance with their constitutional instruments.
1. The States Parties to the present Covenant shall furnish their reports in stages, in accordance with a programme to be established by the Economic and Social Council within one year of the entry into force of the present Covenant after consultation with the States Parties and the specialized agencies concerned.
2. Reports may indicate factors and difficulties affecting the degree of fulfilment of obligations under the present Covenant.
3. Where relevant information has previously been furnished to the United Nations or to any specialized agency by any State Party to the present Covenant, it will not be necessary to reproduce that information, but a precise reference to the information so furnished will suffice.
Pursuant to its responsibilities under the Charter of the United Nations in the field of human rights and fundamental freedoms, the Economic and Social Council may make arrangements with the specialized agencies in respect of their reporting to it on the progress made in achieving the observance of the provisions of the present Covenant falling within the scope of their activities. These reports may include particulars of decisions and recommendations on such implementation adopted by their competent organs.
The Economic and Social Council may transmit to the Commission on Human Rights for study and general recommendation or, as appropriate, for information the reports concerning human rights submitted by States in accordance with articles 16 and 17, and those concerning human rights submitted by the specialized agencies in accordance with article 18.
The States Parties to the present Covenant and the specialized agencies concerned may submit comments to the Economic and Social Council on any general recommendation under article 19 or reference to such general recommendation in any report of the Commission on Human Rights or any documentation referred to therein.
The Economic and Social Council may submit from time to time to the General Assembly reports with recommendations of a general nature and a summary of the information received from the States Parties to the present Covenant and the specialized agencies on the measures taken and the progress made in achieving general observance of the rights recognized in the present Covenant.
The Economic and Social Council may bring to the attention of other organs of the United Nations, their subsidiary organs and specialized agencies concerned with furnishing technical assistance any matters arising out of the reports referred to in this part of the present Covenant which may assist such bodies in deciding, each within its field of competence, on the advisability of international measures likely to contribute to the effective progressive implementation of the present Covenant.
The States Parties to the present Covenant agree that international action for the achievement of the rights recognized in the present Covenant includes such methods as the conclusion of conventions, the adoption of recommendations, the furnishing of technical assistance and the holding of regional meetings and technical meetings for the purpose of consultation and study organized in conjunction with the Governments concerned.
Nothing in the present Covenant shall be interpreted as impairing the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and of the constitutions of the specialized agencies which define the respective responsibilities of the various organs of the United Nations and of the specialized agencies in regard to the matters dealt with in the present Covenant.
Nothing in the present Covenant shall be interpreted as impairing the inherent right of all peoples to enjoy and utilize fully and freely their natural wealth and resources.
PART V
1. The present Covenant is open for signature by any State Member of the United Nations or member of any of its specialized agencies, by any State Party to the Statute of the International Court of Justice, and by any other State which has been invited by the General Assembly of the United Nations to become a party to the present Covenant.
2. The present Covenant is subject to ratification. Instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
3. The present Covenant shall be open to accession by any State referred to in paragraph 1 of this article.
4. Accession shall be effected by the deposit of an instrument of accession with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
5. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall inform all States which have signed the present Covenant or acceded to it of the deposit of each instrument of ratification or accession.
1. The present Covenant shall enter into force three months after the date of the deposit with the Secretary-General of the United Nations of the thirty-fifth instrument of ratification or instrument of accession.
2. For each State ratifying the present Covenant or acceding to it after the deposit of the thirty-fifth instrument of ratification or instrument of accession, the present Covenant shall enter into force three months after the date of the deposit of its own instrument of ratification or instrument of accession.
The provisions of the present Covenant shall extend to all parts of federal States without any limitations or exceptions.
1. Any State Party to the present Covenant may propose an amendment and file it with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Secretary-General shall thereupon communicate any proposed amendments to the States Parties to the present Covenant with a request that they notify him whether they favour a conference of States Parties for the purpose of considering and voting upon the proposals. In the event that at least one third of the States Parties favours such a conference, the Secretary-General shall convene the conference under the auspices of the United Nations. Any amendment adopted by a majority of the States Parties present and voting at the conference shall be submitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations for approval.
2. Amendments shall come into force when they have been approved by the General Assembly of the United Nations and accepted by a two-thirds majority of the States Parties to the present Covenant in accordance with their respective constitutional processes.
3. When amendments come into force they shall be binding on those States Parties which have accepted them, other States Parties still being bound by the provisions of the present Covenant and any earlier amendment which they have accepted.
Irrespective of the notifications made under article 26, paragraph 5, the Secretary-General of the United Nations shall inform all States referred to in paragraph I of the same article of the following particulars:
(a) Signatures, ratifications and accessions under article 26;
(b) The date of the entry into force of the present Covenant under article 27 and the date of the entry into force of any amendments under article 29.
1. The present Covenant, of which the Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited in the archives of the United Nations.
2. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall transmit certified copies of the present Covenant to all States referred to in article 26.
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